A modern economy is based
on achieving efficiency by specialisation and then exchanging produce
with other specialists. A currency facilitates exchanges because it
gets round all the problems of having to barter. You might therefore
think that in principle it would be good to share a currency with as
many as possible of those with whom you hope to trade. The problem is
that a currency has to perform other functions too. For example it
measures value and value is not the same everywhere and to everyone.
The
Euro was the EU's response to the failure of attempts to fix exchange
rates between EU members by means of the so-called 'Snake'. The
Snake was overwhelmed by market forces. Politicians believed that
this could not happen to a currency union. The truth is that a
currency union does not make the market forces go away, it simply
diverts them into other channels.
The
Euro is not a currency in which all members are equal. For most of
the Eurozone's members it is effectively a foreign currency except
for the absence of exchange costs. Market forces do not give equal
weight to small economies and big economies. This means that all
along the Euro has been in reality a Deutschmark-lite.
If
you use a foreign currency you also accept a foreign country’s
monetary policy, whether it is appropriate for your economy or not.
You cannot simply demand that the foreign country takes account of
your needs if they conflict with its own.
Inappropriately
low Euro interest rates before 2008 therefore fuelled unsustainable
credit expansion and property booms in several weaker economies than
Germany that needed more monetary discipline. This contributed to a
series of crises as soon as the currency union came under serious
stress. Meanwhile for Germany the Euro offered an artificially
lowered exchange rate that allowed faster export-led economic growth
than was justified by German costs of production.
Just
like the Euro in Ireland or Greece, the pound will be effectively a
foreign currency for an independent Scotland whether or not a
Sterling Area is agreed and whether or not parity of status is
claimed by politicians. RUK is about ten times the size of Scotland. An independent Scotland using the pound
will have to accept what will essentially be the RUK's
monetary policy.
The
claim that an independent Scotland would become entitled to a seat on
the Bank of England's Monetary Policy Committee is misleading at
best. The independent status of the Bank (since 1997) precludes any
government exercising influence over the MPC, which comprises Bank
executives and independent economists. The UK Treasury
representative who attends its meetings is not allowed to vote. Who
could imagine that a Scottish government representative, even if
allowed to attend, could have a greater role?
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